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1 Frank J. Donner, The Age of Surveillance: The Aims and Methods of America's Political Intelligence System (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1980), pp. 47-48.

2 Diamond, Roads, p. 23.

3 Leo P. Ribuffo, The Old Christian Right: The Protestant Far Right from the Great Depression to the Cold War (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1983), pp. 25-177.

4 Charles J. Tull, Father Coughlin and the New Deal (Syracuse, N.Y.: Syracuse University Press, 1965), p. 1-22; Alan Brinkley, Voices of Protest: Huey Long, Father Coughlin, and the Great Depression (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, Inc. 1982), pp. 92-106.

5 Jerome L. Himmelstein, To The Right: The Tansformation of American Conservatism, p. 14.

6 Himmelstein, To The Right. His discussion of the practical problems of uniting the three strands into a conservative movement is especially useful and perceptive, see pp 43-60.

7 Himmelstein, pp 43-44.

8 Himmelstein, p. 46.

9 Himmelstein, p. 49.

10 Himmelstein cites their key works in his footnote.

11 Russ Bellant, Old Nazis, the New Right and the Reagan Administration: The Role of Domestic Fascist Networks in the Republican Party and Their Effect on U.S. Cold War Policies. (Boston: South End Press/PRA, 1991), pp. 33-38. Christopher Simpson, Blowback: America's Recruitment of Nazis and Its Effects on the Cold War (New York: Macmillan Publishing Company, Collier Books, 1988), p. 219.

12 Ibid., pp. 38-39.

13 William Martin, With God on Our Side: The Rise of the Religious Right in America, (New York: Broadway Books, 1996), pp. 25-46. Although creationists won the case, they lost public favor.

14 Diamond, Roads, pp. 92-106; Russ Bellant, The Coors Connection: How Coors Family Philanthropy Undermines Democratic Pluralism (Boston: South End Press/PRA, 1991), p.125.

15 For statistical data that refutes claims made by centrist/extremist theory about the social base of the "radical right," see Rogin, The Intellectuals and McCarthy; Fred W. Grupp, Jr., "The Political Perspectives of Birch Society Members;" and James McEvoy, III, "Conservatism or Extremism: Goldwater Supporters in the 1964 Presidential Election;" both in Robert A. Schoenberger, ed., The American Right Wing: Readings in Political Behavior, (New York: Holt, Rinehart & Winston, 1969); and Charles Jeffrey Kraft, A Preliminary Socio-Economic & State Demographic Profile of the John Birch Society, (Cambridge, MA: Political Research Associates, 1992). See also: Diamond: "How `Radical' Is the Christian Right?" The Humanist, (Watch on the Right column), March/April 1994.

16 Portions of this section first appeared as Chip Berlet, "The Right Rides High," The Progressive, October 1994, and were later adapted in Berlet & Quigley, "Theocracy & White Supremacy," in Eye's Right!: Challenging the Right Wing Backlash, (Boston, South End Press, 1995)

17 Himmelstein, To the Right, pp. 31-41.

18 Martin, With God, p. 88. Diamond, Roads, pp. 130-131. Stephen Lesher, George Wallace: American Populist, (Reading, MA: Addison-Wesley, 1994), pp. 463-464. Himmelstein, To the Right, p. 82. Bellant, Coors Connection, p. 44.

19 Himmelstein, To the Right, pp. 9, 129-164.

20 Ellen Messer-Davidow, "Manufacturing the Attack on Liberalized Higher Education," Social Text, Fall 1993, pp. 40-80; Davidow, "Who (Ac)Counts and How," MMLA (The Journal of the Midwest Modern Language Association), Spring 1994. Lawrence Soley, "Right-Think Inc.," City Pages, (Minneapolis, MN), 10/31/90, p. 10. David Callahan, "Liberal Policy's Weak Foundations: Fighting the `Bull Curve,'" The Nation, November 13, 1995, pp. 568-572. Beth Schulman, "Foundations for a Movement: How the Right Wing Subsidizes its Press," Extra! (Fairness and Accuracy in Reporting), special issue on "The Right-Wing Media Machine," March/April 1995, p. 11. "To Reclaim a Legacy of Diversity: Analyzing the `Political Correctness" Debates in Higher Education," Washington, DC: National Council for Research on Women, 1993.

21 Martin, With God, pp. 194-198.

22 An excellent survey of dominionism and Reconstuctionism is Bruce Barron, Heaven on Earth? The Social and Political Agendas of Dominion Theology, (Grand Rapids, MI: Zondervon, 1992).

23 Fred Clarkson, "Christian Reconstructionism: Theocratic Dominionism Gains Influence," chapter in Eyes Right! Challenging the Right Wing Backlash, Chip Berlet, ed. (Boston, South End Press, 1995) p. 60-61.

24 Dinesh D'Souza, Falwell: Before the Millennium, (Chicago: Regnery Gateway, 1984), pp. 105-118; Martin, With God on Our Side, pp. 200-201; Sara Diamond, Spiritual Warfare: The Politics of the Christian Right, (Boston: South End Press, 1989), pp. 49-63. The first attempt to build a broad Religious Right movement failed in part because Jerry Falwell's Moral Majority, with its Baptist roots and pragmatic fundamentalist Protestant aura, had only a limited constituency; it failed to mobilize either the more ethereal charismatic and Pentecostal wings of Christianity or the more moderate branches of denominational Protestantism. Apart from the abortion issue and other themes of sexual morality, it had little appeal to conservative Catholics. But as early as 1981 Falwell, Weyrich, and Robertson were working together to build a broader and more durable alliance of the Religious Right through such vehicles as the annual Family Forum national conferences, where members of the Reagan Administration could rub shoulders with leaders of dozens of Christian Right groups and share ideas with rank-and-file activists. This coalition-building continued through the Reagan years.

25 The genius of the long-term strategy implemented by Weyrich and Robertson was their method of expanding the base of social conservatives. First, they created a broader Protestant Christian Right that cut across all evangelical and fundamentalist boundaries and issued a challenge to more moderate Protestants. Second, they created a true Christian Right by reaching out to conservative and reactionary Catholics. Third, they created a Religious Right by recruiting and promoting their few reactionary allies in the Jewish and Muslim communities. A useful introduction to these issues (with extensive bibliographic-laden notes), is John C. Green, Understanding the Christian Right, (New York: The American Jewish Committee, 1996).

26 Himmelstein, To the Right, pp. 80-94; Diamond, Roads to Dominion, pp.127-138; Michael Kazin, The Populist Persuasion: An American History. (New York: Basic Books, 1995), pp. 255-260.

27 Diamond, Roads, pp. 127-131, 179-180.

28 Diamond, Roads, pp. 261-262

29 This section is adapted from a draft of Chip Berlet and Matthew N. Lyons, Too Close for Comfort: Right Wing Populism, Scapegoating, and Fascist Potentials in US Political Traditions, (Boston: South End Press, 1997).

30 George Johnson, Architects of Fear: Conspiracy Theories and Paranoia in American Politics (Los Angeles: Tarcher/Houghton Mifflin, 1983), pp. 169-173; Diamond, Spiritual Warfare, pp. 84-87, 233.

31 Marsden, Understanding Fundamentalism and Evangelicalism, pp. 109; see also: Diamond, Roads, pp. 246-248; William Martin, With God on Our Side: The Rise of the Religious Right in America, (New York: Broadway Books, 1996), pp. 194-198, 331-333, 344-347.

32 John Stormer, None Dare Call it Treason...25 Years Later, paperback, (Flourissant, MO: Liberty Bell Press, 1992 (hardcover, 1990)).

33 Martin, With God on Our Side, pp. 194-197; Dallas A. Blanchard, The Anti-Abortion Movement and the Rise of the Religious Right, (New York: Twayne Publishers, 1994), p. 97. Francis A. Schaeffer, A Christian Manifesto, revised, (Westchester, IL: Crossway Books, 1982 (1981)), pp. 117-130; Franky Schaeffer, A Time for Anger: The Myth of Neutrality, (Westchester, IL: Crossway Books, 1982), pp. 15-25, 76-78; John W. Whitehead, The Stealing of America, (Westchester, IL: Crossway Books, 1987), pp. 31-59; Tim LaHaye, The Battle for the Mind, (Old Tappan, NJ: Fleming H. Revell, 1980), pp. 141-179.

34 Clarkson, Eternal Hostility: The Struggle Between Theocracy and Democracy, (Monroe, ME: Common Courage, 1997), 125-138.

35 Jean Hardisty "Constructing Homophobia," in Eye's Right!, pp. 86-104.

36 Green, along with, James L. Guth and Kevin Hill, wrote a study entitled Faith and Election: The Christian Right in Congressional Campaigns 1978-1988. They found that the Religious Right was most active -- and apparently successful -- when three factors converged: (1) the demand for Christian Right activism by discontented populations; (2) the supply of resources for such activism by religious organizations; and (3) strategic choice in the deployment of such resources by movement leaders. The authors see the Christian Right's recent emphasis on grassroots organizing as a strategic choice by the Christian Right, and conclude that "the conjunction of motivations, resources, and opportunities reveals the political character of the Christian Right: much of its activity was a calculated response to real grievances by increasingly self-conscious and empowered traditionalists."

37 "The New Populism," Business Week, March 13, 1995, p. 73.

38 Kevin Phillips "The Politics of Frustration," The New York Times Magazine, April 12, 1992, pp. 38-42.

39 Hans-Georg Betz, Radical Right-wing Populism in Western Europe, New York: St. Martins Press, 1994.

40 Betz, Radical Right-wing Populism in Western Europe, pp. 106-108, 174; "America's New Populism," Business Week, cover story, March 13, 1995.

41 "Portrait of an Anxious Public," in special report on "The New Populism," Business Week, March 13, 1995, p. 80.

42 In the 1980s far right Christian Patriot and Constitutionalist movements interacted with apocalyptic survivalists to spawn a number of militant quasi-underground groups. During the height of the rural farm economic crisis in the early 1990s, one of these groups, the Posse Comitatus, captured a small but significant number of sympathizers among farmers and ranchers. Other groups such as Aryan Nations emerged, and soon a loose network was constructed linking tax protesters to groups as far to the right as various Ku Klux Klan splinters and neonazi organizations. The major glue that bound many of these disparate groups together was a theological ideology called Christian Identity, which argues that White US Christians were the heirs of God's Biblical covenant, and that Jews were agents of Satan and people of color "pre-Adamic" creatures that were not fully human. For in-depth coverage of the far right, see generally; James Corcoran, Bitter Harvest: The Birth of Paramilitary Terrorism in the Heartland, (New York: Viking Penguin, 1995 (1990)); Frank P. Mintz, The Liberty Lobby and the American Right: Race, Conspiracy and Culture, (Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 1985); James A. Aho, The Politics of Righteousness: Idaho Christian Patriotism, (Seattle: Univ. of Washington Press, 1990).

43 Kenneth S. Stern, A Force Upon the Plain: The American Militia Movement and the Politics of Hate, New York: Simon & Schuster, 1996; Philip Lamy, Millennium Rage: Survivalists, White Supremacists, and the Doomsday Prophecy, (New York: Plenum, 1996).

44 Devin Burghart and Robert Crawford, Guns and Gavels: Common Law Courts, Militias & White Supremacy, (Portland, OR: Coalition for Human Dignity, 1996).

45 Lucy A. Williams, "The Right's Attack on Aid to Families with Dependent Children," The Public Eye, Vol. X, Nos. 3 & 4, Fall/Winter 1996, p. 18.

46 Jean V. Hardisty, "The Resurgent Right: Why Now?" The Public Eye, Fall/Winter 1995, pp. 1-13.

47 James William Gibson, Warrior Dreams: Paramilitary Culture in Post Viet Nam America, (New York: Hill & Wang, 1994); Barbara Ehrenreich, Blood Rites: Origins and History of the Passions of War, (New York: Henry Holt, 1997).

48 Stephen O'Leary, Arguing the Apocalypse, (New York: Oxford University Press, 1994), pp. 225-228; Lamy, Millennium Rage, pp. 253-267; Jeffrey Kaplan, Radical Religion in America: Millenarian Movements from the Far Right to the Children of Noah, (Syracuse, NY, Syracuse Univ. Press, 1997), pp. 164-177.

49 The Heaven's Gate group suicide in 1997 merged prophetic visions from the Bible, the prophesies of Nostradamus, and the literary genre of science fiction. On renewed popularity in Nostradamus, see for example: Henry C. Roberts (updated by Robert Lawrence), The Complete Prophesies of Nostradamus, 1994 (1947); Stefan Paulus, Nostradamus 1999: Who Will Survive [A Comet is Hurtling Toward Earth...], 1997; and Jean-Charles de Fontbrune, Nostradamus: Countdown to Apocalypse, 1985 (1983). A contemporary version of the comet prophesy is Tom Kay, When the Comet Runs: Prophecies for the New Millennium, published in February 1997.

50 O'Leary, Arguing the Apocalypse; pp. 4-14, 178-179, 218-224; Richard Landes, working papers for the Center for Millennial Studies, on file at PRA.

51 O'Leary, Arguing the Apocalypse; pp. 221-222.

52 Mary Rupert, "The Patriot Movement and the Roots of Fascism," in Susan Allen Nan, et. al. eds., Windows to Conflict Analysis and Resolution: Framing our Field, (Fairfax, VA: Institute for Conflict Analysis and Resolution, 1997), p. 96.

53 Hardisty, "The Resurgent Right."

54 This section is adapted from a draft of Berlet and Lyons, Too Close for Comfort.

55 John B. Judis, "The Republican Splintering: A preview of the San Diego zoo," The New Republic, 8/19/97, pp. 32-36.

56 Berlet & Quigley, "Theocracy & White Supremacy," in Eye's Right!, pp. 15-43; Diamond, Roads, p. 298.

57 Diamond, Roads, pp. 165-172.

58 Surina Khan, "Gay Conservatives: Pulling the Movement to the Right," The Public Eye, Vol. X, No. 1, Spring 1996, pp. 1-10.

59 Hanna Rosin, "Walking the Plank: Henry Hyde's abortion problem," The New Republic, 8/19/97, pp. 16-20; Judis, "The Republican Splintering," p. 35.

60 Phyllida Burlingame [with Children's Express], Sex, Lies, and Politics: Abstinence-Only Curricula in California Public Schools, Applied Research Center, 5/97.

61 See Holly Sklar's discussion of Huntington's elitism in Holly Sklar, ed., Trilateralism: The Trilateral Commission and Elite Planning for World Management, (Boston: South End Press, 1980), "Trilateralism: Managing Dependence and Democracy," pp. 3, 35-43.

62 Ronald Steel, "The Hard Questions," [review], The New Republic, 12/30/96, p. 25.

63 Diamond, Roads, p. 310.

64 Richard J. Herrnstein and Charles Murray, The Bell Curve, (New York: Free Press, 1994).

65 Jasone DeParle, "Daring Research or 'Social Science Pornography?'," The New York Times Magazine, 10/9/94, p. 48.

66 Charles Lane, "The Tainted Sources of 'The Bell Curve'," The New York Review, 12/1/94, pp. 14-19; Bellant, Old Nazis, pp. 60-64; Bellant, Coors Connection, pp. 38-39, 54, 75.

67 Adam Miller, "Professors of Hate," Rolling Stone, 10/20/94, pp. 106-114.

68 Joel L. Kincheloe, Shirley R. Steinberg, & Aaron D. Greeson, III, eds., Measured Lies: The Bell Curve Examined, (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1996). See also the informative reviews of other books critical of The Bell Curve, in Contemporary Sociology, May 1997, Vol. 26, No. 3, pp. 311-316.

69 Diamond, Roads, pp. 279-286.

70 Diamond, Roads, pp. 279-280.

71 Diamond, Roads, p. 284.

72 Richard Bernstein, "Magazine Dispute Reflects Rift on U.S. Right," New York Times, May 16, 1989, pp. 1,8.

73 See for example the June 1992 Rothbard-Rockwell Report, which defends the Paleocons. For a look at the Neocon view of Buchanan and the Rockford crowd see the May 1992 issues of First Things published by Neuhaus ("The Year that Conservatism Turned Ugly"), and Commentary ("Buchanan and the Conservative Crackup").

74 Sam Francis, "Principalities & Powers (column): Stupid and Proud," Chronicles, 9/93, p. 9.

75 Gregory Pavlik, [review of Gottfried's The Conservative Movement, revised], Conservative Review, V. 4, N. 5, Sept./Oct. 1993, p. 37. Note that the Independent Institute and the Independence Institute are separate entities.

76 Pavlik, pp. 36-37.

77 Diamond, Roads, pp. 179, 202.

78 Max Weber, The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism, (London: George Allen & Unwin, 1930).

79 Diamond, Roads, p. 180.

80 Jacob Heilbrunn, "Neocon v. Theocon," The New Republic, 12/30/96, pp. 20-24.

81 See, for example, the newspaper Culture Wars with its motto: "No social progress outside the moral order."

82 Fred Clarkson, Eternal Hostility: The Struggle Between Theocracy and Democracy, (Monroe, ME: Common Courage Press, 1997), pp. 33, 104-106, 117-119, 153.

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