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Reproductive Justice
Pushed to the Altar
The Right-Wing Roots of Marriage Promotion
By Jean V. Hardisty
Public Eye, Spring 2008

After the 2000 presidential campaign, I felt a shock of recognition when I read that the George W. Bush Administration planned to use its “faith-based” funding to support organizations to encourage women, especially welfare recipients, to marry. The rationale was that marriage would cure their poverty. Wade Horn, appointed by Bush to be in charge of welfare programs at the Department of Health and Human Services (HHS), had been the titular head of “fatherhood movement.” Now inside the government, he morphed his fatherhood campaign of the 1990s — which promoted men as the God-given leader of families and obedient wives — into a government program to promote heterosexual marriage and fatherhood as a solution to the poverty of those who remained as welfare recipients.

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(Photo: Ronda Oliver/iStock)
Male Victims of Abortion
New Theme of Right to Life Committee

By Eleanor J. Bader
Public Eye, Fall 2007

The mood was upbeat at the National Right to Life Committee gathering in Kansas City, Missouri, this past June. Except perhaps at the solemn session where, one after another, men rise and confess that they, too, once participated in an abortion.

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(Used with permission)

PRA Director Katherine H. Ragsdale delivers keynote speech on the 35th anniversary of Roe v. Wade at Protecting Privacy, Preserving Choice

An event sponsored by Abortion Rights Fund of Western Massachusetts, NARAL Pro-Choice Massachusetts and Tapestry Health.


Understanding the Right: A Prerequisite for Reproductive Justice

Senior Researcher Pam Chamberlain presented this workshop at the New Leadership Networking Initiative national meeting in March 2007. It argues that Reproductive Justice cannot be attained without understanding the opposition.

 

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Opposition to reproductive rights in this country extends much further back in time than the fight to legalize abortion. In the nineteenth century legislation criminalized abortion and doctors saw pregnancy as a disease. In the 1970s, a backlash movement swiftly followed the U.S. Supreme Court's Roe v. Wade decision legalizing abortion, setting the tone of the conflict ever since.

To the women's movement, access to abortion represents women's ability to control their own lives. But in defense of a natural, Biblically mandated order, the Christian Right has always been interested in a much broader agenda than just banning abortion. Its comprehensive "family values" approach also targets access to emergency contraception, the vaccine for the human papilloma virus, comprehensive sexuality education, single parenting, and what they call "anchor babies," the children of undocumented immigrants who receive citizen status because they were born in the United States.

By contrast, the goal of the today's reproductive justice movement is the total health and well-being of all women and their children, acknowledging not only the diversity of women living in the United States today but the connectedness of their social, political, and health care needs.


Punishment, Reproductive Control, and the Construction of Unfit/Fit Mothers

By Rachel Roth
Defending Justice
Activist Resource Kit

current research
UNdoing Reproductive Freedom (Report)
Laying Siege to the Last Abortion Clinic in Mississippi
Politicized Science: How Anti-Abortion Myths Feed the Christian Right Agenda

The Right 101: Reproductive Rights (slide show)
By Political Research Associates
The Body Politic Magazine
Archive.
From 1991-1999, The Body Politic published information on all aspects of reproductive justice.

"A New Vision" from Asian
10 Reasons to Rethink 'Overpopulation'
Expanding the Constituency for Comprehensive Sexuality Education
Breaking the Silence: The Global Gag Rule's Impact on Unsafe Abortion

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Civil Liberties
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LGBT Equity
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Reproductive Justice
The Christian Right

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Catholics for Choice
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