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The Theme Of Self-Help
Black conservative intellectuals'
solutions for improving race relations are very much tied to the classic
attitudes of the Black bourgeoisie, and to issues
of identity and status. Further, their solutions always assign leadership
roles to the Black middle class. Consistent
with their analysis of the causes of Black oppression and
Black poverty, they return to the "slavery damaged" theme,
and locate the solutions within individual Blacks and the Black community.
The reasoning behind their proposed solutions represents some of the
most reactionary of their thinking.
Loury and the other Black conservatives insist "self-help" is
the only viable solution to Black dilemmas. They argue we have to rely
on ourselves because, as Loury states, referring to Booker T. Washington, "[Washington]
understood that when the effect of past oppression has been to leave
people in a diminished state, the attainment of true equality with their
former oppressor cannot much depend on his generosity but must ultimately
derive from an elevation of their selves above the state of diminishment."
In addition, Loury and others have developed the profoundly subversive
notion, as described by Adolph Reed, that "it
is somehow illegitimate for black citizens to view government action
and public policy as vehicles for egalitarian redress." Unlike all
other American citizens, African Americans,
according to Black conservatives, must win white
approval by proving ourselves worthy of the rights of citizenship.
"The progress that must now be sought is that of achieving respect,
the equality of standing in the eyes of one's political peers, of worthiness
as subjects of national concern," Loury argues. Loury frequently
acknowledges his intellectual debt to Booker T. Washington's
controversial philosophy. He concedes Washington's approach may not have
been entirely appropriate for the political and social contexts of his
time, but Loury firmly believes the Washington approach is relevant in
the post-civil rights era. "The point on
which Booker T. Washington was clear, and his critics seem not to be,
is that progress of the kind described above must be earned, it cannot
be demanded."
Consistent with their belief in the superiority of the Black middle
class, Black conservatives argue
that instead of relying on government programs and civil rights legislation,
middle class Blacks should make economic investments in Black communities;
Blacks should support Black businesses; and, most important, the Black
middle class needs to teach poor African Americans
proper behavior and values. This self-help language,
cloaked as it is in Black cultural nationalist rhetoric, has been among
the most warmly received of the Black conservative messages
in the African American community.
This is not surprising. First of all, self-help literally defines how
African Americans have managed to survive slavery,
Reconstruction, and a series of trials and travails right up through
the present day. Black conservatives and those
praising them on this point sound as though African American history has
not always included such famous proponents and practitioners of self-help
as Martin Delaney, Edward Blyden and
Alexander Crummel, Marcus Garvey,
the Nation of Islam, the Black Panthers,
Jesse Jackson's Operation PUSH,
and the thousands of Black women's clubs, Black Greek and professional
associations and Black church-based organizations,
among others. But African Americans' long heritage of self-help activities
has tended to see self-help as a supplement to, not a replacement for,
deserved government services and full employment at family-sustaining
wages.
In addition to its historical resonance for African Americans,
the Black conservative promotion of self-help
flatters the Black middle class, casting it
as the salvation for poor African Americans. It is noteworthy that even
some liberal and progressive middle class Blacks have endorsed the Black
conservatives' "culture of poverty" analysis
and their call for self-help to address the problem.
What is missed about Black conservatives' self-help
advocacy is that, unlike the cultural Black nationalist tradition whose
rhetoric they borrow, theirs is neither an organic, collective model
of self-help, nor one intended to enhance Black unity and Black cultural
integrity. It is based on a savage individualism,
advocating a laissez-faire formula for Black progress through
the commitment of individual Blacks to economic wealth and cultural assimilation.
As stated by Shelby Steele: "The middle
class values by which
we [the Black middle class] were raised-the work ethic, the importance
of education, the value of property ownership,
of respectability, of `getting ahead,' of stable family life, of initiative,
of self reliance, et. cetera-are, in themselves, raceless and
even assimilationist. They urge us toward participation in the American
mainstream, toward integration, toward a strong identification with the
society, and toward the entire constellation of qualities that are implied
in the word individualism."
Steele's comments illustrate another subversive aspect of Black conservatives'
proposed solutions-the call to subsume our racial identity and to forgo
collective racial action in favor of individualistic pursuits and a nationalistic
American identity. Black conservatives issued this call during the 1980s,
at a time when overt racist (and frequently
violent) attacks on Blacks were at a post-civil rights era
high, when the national political leadership of the country implicitly
signaled its approval of racist attitudes, and when government and corporate
policies were decimating poor and middle class African
Americans alike with last hired/first fired
policies. Given the political climate of the 1980s, Black conservatives
were calling for no less than Black acquiescence and appeasement in their
own oppression.
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