Fascism Wrapped in an American Flag
by Chip Berlet and Joel Bellman
March 10th, 1989
A Political Research Associates Briefing Paper
In Three Parts
Part Two
The Paranoid Style
LaRouche's parlaying of personal and political conspiracy theories into
a multi-million dollar financial empire is unique, but paranoid political
movements occur cyclically in American history. In his widely-quoted essay
"The Paranoid Style in American Politics," professor Richard Hofstadter
argues that in times of economic, social or political crisis, small conspiracy-minded
groups suddenly gain a mass following. The anti-Catholic hysteria of the
1800's, the anti-immigrant movement which led to the Palmer Raids in 1919,
the Red Scare of the 1950's and other societal convulsions, are examples,
wrote Hofstadter.
Such movements rise and fall periodically, according to Hofstadter,
appealing to people fearful about the world political and economic situation,
and longing for simple solutions to complex problems. The use of scapegoats
is common among these movements. The findings of two academics who studied
a LaRouche campaign contributor list (available from the Federal Election
Commission) lend support to the thesis that LaRouche appeals to a paranoid
constituency. In a 1986 press release, "Who Controls Us: A Profile of Lyndon
LaRouche's Campaign Contributors," John C. Green and James L. Guth of Furman
University identify LaRouche as "a new celebrity on the extreme right."
"An analysis of his campaign contributors suggests that LaRouche should
be taken seriously, not as a candidate, but as evidence of the failure--and
success--American politics," wrote the professors.
According to the results of the study, among LaRouche's contributors
are a significant proportion of Northern neo-populist conservatives, "profoundly
uncomfortable with modern America and susceptible to conspiratorial explanations
of their distress. One seemed to speak for the others when he listed his
major concern as `who really controls us?' To many of these alienated people,
LaRouche's outlandish views offer a plausible answer to this question."
According to the study:
"Though LaRouche campaigns as a Democrat, most of his donors
are independents, with the largest group `leaning' Republican. but ordinary
people as well, believing that no one can be trusted `most of the time.'
Very few say they are optimistic about their future or that of the country.
They are equally disillusioned with politics, 40% report having become
discouraged and ceased participating at some point. These attitudes extend
to current political groups as well. Three-quarters feel `far' from mainstream
conservative organizations such as the Chamber of Commerce. Roughly equal
numbers feel `close' and `far' from more reactionary groups like the John
Birch Society. Uniform dislike, however, is reserved for liberal advocates
of change; the ACLU, Common Cause and Ralph Nader.
"LaRouche is most criticized for his political intolerance,
a trait exhibited by his contributors. To measure tolerance, we asked all
donors to name a group they regarded as `dangerous' and then asked if they
would allow a member of that group to run for president, speak in a public
place or teach in public school. Only a quarter of the LaRouchians would
allow a member of their `dangerous' group to engage in all three activities
and another quarter would allow none.
"LaRouche would probably approve of their choice of `dangerous'
groups: more than half of the mentions figure prominently in `conspiracy'
theories of politics, such as communists, drug dealers, Jews, bankers,
intellectuals and the mass media. Some `conspiracies' are explicitly named:
the `zionist-socialist movement,' the `international drug ring,' `cartel
control of money' and the `post-industrial counter-culture.' But other
donors identify mainstream organizations and leaders as `dangerous,' including
the `unilateral disarmament advocates,' `eco-freaks,' `Hayden and Fonda,'
`socialist Democrats' and `big labor bosses.'
"These kinds of attitudes occur among other conservative activists,
but rarely to this extent. And the LaRouchians differ from other conservatives
in demographic terms as well. LaRouche's donors seem to be the remnant
of the `small town America' of a generation ago. Nearly three-quarters
were born in the Midwest or Northeast and more than half still live there,
outside the major cities. Most spent their adult life in one or two states;
the only major move they have ever made was to retire to the Sunbelt. Two-thirds
are 55 or older, male, of WASP or German extraction, and products of [nuclear
two-parent] families. They are not, however, particularly religious; most
belong to mainline Protestant denominations and few are active church members.
"
The authors concluded, "it is alienated people who make fringe candidates
possible. LaRouche should be taken seriously as a symptom of distress in
a small part of the body politic. His limited appeal is a sign of the basic
health of America politics."
One historian, author George Seldes, thinks LaRouche has followed another
seldom traveled but clearly recognizable historic path--the road from
Socialism through National Socialism to Fascism. Seldes has authored some
ten books concerning authoritarianism and thinks LaRouche's theories and
style represent classic "Mussolini-style fascist" ideology. Seldes' analysis
carries weight especially since he wrote a biography of Mussolini in 1935
titled Sawdust Caesar.
Secret Agent LaRouche
In a sense LaRouche is a "Silicon Caesar" since he has risen to power
through a sophisticated computerized telecommunications network which gathers
political and economic intelligence and then packages it for dissemination
through newsletters, magazines, special reports and consulting services.
Former Reagan advisor and National Security Council senior analyst, Dr.
Norman Bailey, told NBC reporter Pat Lynch the LaRouche network was "one
of the best private intelligence services in the world."
Not everyone shares the view. When Henry Kissinger was told of how LaRouche
operatives met with high Reagan Administration officials in the early 1980's,
he told the New Republic, "If this is true, it would be outrageous,
stupid, and nearly unforgivable." Dennis King, co-author of the New
Republic article which examined LaRouche's influence in scientific and
intelligence circles, says during the first Reagan term LaRouche aides
managed to gain "access to an alarming array of influential persons in
government, law enforcement, scientific research and private industry."
These ties form the basis of the LaRouche "CIA defense" against the charges
he conspired to obstruct justice. LaRouche claims he believed his security
aide Roy Frankhauser, a former Ku Klux Klan leader and government law enforcement
informant, was a covert conduit to the CIA.
John Rees, an ultra-conservative whose Information Digest newsletter
reports on political extremes on the left and right, says he "believes
the New Republic story that LaRouche staffers had access to a lot
of people." But he points out, "If you have all the electronic resources
and information-gathering staff that LaRouche possesses you are bound to
come up with occasional gems, that's what most people were interested in,
not the LaRouche philosophy." Both King and Rees feel the Reagan Administration
consciously began distancing itself from contacts with the LaRouche network
following the New Republic and NBC stories.
Russ Bellant, a long-time LaRouche watcher from Detroit, notes that
in the mid-1970's LaRouche simultaneously turned to the right and tried
to link up with more respectable groups, including, for a brief period,
several state Republican Party organizations. "Some tactical political
alliances with various right-wing groups were made on the basis of LaRouche's
scurrilous disruption campaigns against mutual enemies, especially liberal
Democrats," says Bellant. In fact, LaRouche has consistently targeted
the American left, and done so with material and moral support from small
but significant elements in law enforcement, the Republican Party and the
American far right. There is also evidence to suggest that the LaRouche
organization maintained a cozy relationship with certain elements in U.S.
and foreign intelligence, military and police agencies.
Bellant and other LaRouche-watchers feel the LaRouche network and its
questionable finances and intelligence activities may have been overlooked
by certain individuals in intelligence and law enforcement agencies. "These
persons were focusing more on the information being churned up by LaRouche's
intelligence-gathering apparatus," says Bellant.
LaRouche-related financial operations have run afoul of the law before,
but by adopting an aggressive legal strategy his groups have been able
to fend off successful prosecution for years until cases were dropped or
settled by exhausted plaintiffs and prosecutors. One Illinois case involving
LaRouche-backed mayoral candidate Sheila Jones and LaRouche's Illinois
Anti-Drug Coalition has dragged on for over six years.
The 1986 Illinois primary victory by two LaRouche followers, however,
raised the ante. "The visibility that came to LaRouche after the Illinois
primary lent credibility to the investigations into his financial operations
by bringing forward scores of persons who claimed to have been defrauded
by LaRouche operations over the years," says Bellant. There are probably
a variety of reasons why the ties between LaRouche and various government
agencies and personalities were severed in the mid-1980's. Highly-publicized
incidents such as the airport battle between LaRouchies and Henry Kissinger
and his wife helped doom the LaRouche network's relationship with the Reagan
Administration--their profile just became too visible for a continued relationship.
Principled conservatives challenged the Reagan Administration to justify
its flirtation with an anti-Semitic group. Intelligence specialists questioned
the wisdom of sharing thoughts with a group which historically worked both
sides of the political fence separating allies from adversaries. Even Oliver
North got into the act when his fundraisers and security specialists found
LaRouche emissaries were getting underfoot.
LaRouche security expert Jeff Steinberg, who used to meet with National
Security Council staffers at the Old Executive Office Building in the White
House compound, spent much of 1988 in a Boston courtroom facing criminal
charges. However it appears the criminal investigation which led to the
current legal problems faced by LaRouche and his followers began before
the controversy over his ties to the Reagan Administration had reached
key decision-makers in government agencies. While there is some evidence
of prosecutorial misconduct and civil liberties violations in the course
of some of the federal investigations and prosecutions, the claim by LaRouche
spokespersons that the indictments are part of a government conspiracy
to silence LaRouche appear to be without foundation.
Political Puzzle?
Russ Bellant's articles on LaRouche have appeared in liberal Michigan
weeklies and progressive publications, while John Rees tills the right
side of the journalistic garden. But both agree LaRouche's ideology is
now neither Marxist nor conservative. Rees, who for years has written for
conservative, anti-communist, and New-Right publications (including several
magazines published by the John Birch Society), thinks it is unfair ever
to have called LaRouche a conservative simply because he has tried to woo
that political block.
"He is emphatically not a conservative," says Rees, "he is a totalitarian
extremist with a cult of personality to rival Joseph Stalin's." Rees concedes
that LaRouche's politics are distorted and strange, saying "he is difficult
to categorize--in a sense LaRouche is a remedial Fascist. At least Mussolini
could make the trains run on time. I doubt LaRouche is capable of doing
that." Rees claims that "when LaRouche was rejected by the totalitarian
left, he simply tried the other side of the totalitarian spectrum." According
to Rees, ties between the LaRouche network and several racist and anti-Semitic
groups are well-established. "Former LaRouche organizers report cooperation
with elements of the Aryan Nations Network," adds Bellant who says the
LaRouche network is a "neo-Nazi type of cult."
Racism and Anti-Jewish Rhetoric
LaRouche has many connections to the racist political right in this
country. Richard Lobenthal, Midwest Regional Director for the Anti-Defamation
League of B'nai B'rith, observes that LaRouche security advisor Roy Frankhauser
"has been identified as present with other white supremacists at meetings
held at the farm of Pastor Bob Miles in Michigan." Leaders of the notoriously
racist and anti-Semitic Aryan Nations have attended the same meetings.
"Frankhauser's background and connections are myriad, he is obviously a
LaRouchite, he is a professed racist and anti-Semite and was a close associate
of neo-Nazi leader George Lincoln Rockwell," says Lobenthal.
LaRouche not only works in coalitions with bigots, he has also propounded
ideas which are widely perceived to represent outright racism.
LaRouche, for instance, offended the Hispanic community in a November,
1973 essay (published in both English and Spanish) titled "The Male Impotence
of the Puerto-Rican Socialist Party." An internal memo by LaRouche asked
"Can we imagine anything more viciously sadistic than the Black Ghetto
mother?" He described the majority of the Chinese people as "approximating
the lower animal species" by manifesting a "paranoid personality. . . .a
parallel general form of fundamental distinction from actual human personalities."
LaRouche's use of hysterical Jewish conspiracy theories for ulterior
political motives has lead him to be branded an anti-Semite by several
major Jewish groups.
One ADL spokesperson, Irwin Suall, was once sued for defamation by LaRouche
for calling him a "small time Hitler." The jury ruled against LaRouche.
According to LaRouche, only a million and a half Jews perished in the concentration
camps, and they died primarily from overwork, disease, and starvation.
This denial of the Holocaust is coupled with pronouncements saying there
is nothing left of Jewish culture except what couldn't be sold to Gentiles,
or claiming British Jews brought Hitler into power.
While many of the ringleaders of the global conspiracy, according to
the LaRouche philosophy, are Jewish, members of the LaRouche group rebut
charges of anti-Semitism by pointing out that a number of them--including
Janice Hart, former Democratic nominee for the Illinois Secretary of State--are
Jewish. The Anti-Defamation League of B'nai B'rith, which has successfully
beat back several costly LaRouche lawsuits, rejects this explanation and
insists the group is a paranoid, anti-Semitic political cult.
For his part, LaRouche claims to be merely anti-Zionist, not anti-Semitic.
Jewish groups and political scientists acknowledge the important distinction,
but LaRouche rhetoric--such as leaflets distributed in California bearing
the offensive headline "Smash the Kosher Nostra!" and naming a number of
Jewish figures as part of a global conspiracy, leaves little doubt.
Since 1976, the NCLC's ties to anti-Semitic, ultra-right groups and
individuals have been well documented. LaRouche associates have cultivated
ties to Willis Carto, a notorious racist and anti-Semite who helped found
Liberty Lobby and the pseudo-scholarly Institute for Historical Review.
This latter group publishes "historical revisionist" literature deriding
the Nazi Holocaust as a Jewish hoax.
Former staffers at both the Liberty Lobby and LaRouche's NCLC claim
the two groups cooperated closely on several projects. In the March 2,
1981 issue of its newspaper Spotlight, Liberty Lobby cynically defended
the relationship this way: "It is mystifying why so many anti-communists
and `conservatives' oppose the USLP [U.S. Labor Party --the NCLC's original
electoral arm]. No group has done so much to confuse, disorient, and disunify
the Left as they have. . .the USLP should be encouraged, as should all
similar breakaway groups from the Left, for this is the only way that the
Left can be weakened and broken."
Linda Ray, the outspoken former member of the LaRouche group, recently
published a first-person account of her experiences in the Chicago-based
national weekly In These Times. She recalls that after leaving the
group, someone showed her a LaRouche organization pamphlet she had once
sold on the street. "In it the Jewish symbol, the Star of David, was used
as a centerpiece to point to six different aspects of the illegal drug
trade. In this context, the Star of David was a symbol of evil." She was
shocked when she realized she had not recognized this while still working
with LaRouche.
"Many people find it difficult to understand how Jews--such as I--could
have worked for an anti-Semitic group. Perhaps the answer is that the members
get so hypnotized by the simplistic `good guys and bad guys' approach to
history that they do not hear what LaRouche is really saying."
Ray recalls how LaRouche claimed the British were a different "subhuman
species" and how his Campaigner magazine concocted the charge that
the British created the Nazi movement."Since the blasts were overtly directed
against the British, Jewish members often did not recognize the subliminal
anti-Semitism of the attacks. LaRouche, like the Ku Klux Klan, Hitler and
Goebbels, was attacking the Rothschilds and other British-Jewish banking
interests. In the wake of these anti-Semitic writings, many of us were
confused. But we continued to defend LaRouche by lamely saying, `We're
not anti-Semitic. So many of our members are Jews. We always say in our
publications that we are against the Nazis.'
"I remember reading in detail about the `subhuman species' concept.
Although I knew it did not make scientific sense, I presumed that it was
a deep intellectual metaphor that was over my head." When Ray left the
group and finally came to grips with her role as a Jew working in an anti-Semitic
organization, she says "It was as if I was waking from a nightmare."
LaRouche's relationship with Blacks--including his own Black NCLC members--is
similarly confusing and complex. While LaRouche's writings are replete
with racialist assertions extolling white Northern European values at the
expense of other ethnic values, he has in some cases succeeded in forging
alliances with rightist or opportunist black politicians and civil rights
leaders, such as Roy Innis of the Congress of Racial Equality (CORE) and
Hulan Jack, a former Borough president and powerhouse in the New York
Democratic Party. Articles from LaRouche's Executive Intelligence
Review have appeared in publications of Rev. Louis Farrakhan's Nation
of Islam. At the same time they are recruiting Blacks, LaRouche publications
praise the wisdom of the Botha government in South Africa, and attack those
who protest the system of apartheid.
LaRouchian rhetoric can often offend numerous constituencies simultaneously.
The July 7, 1986 issue of the Illinois Tribunal, an insert tucked
into LaRouche's New Solidarity (now New Federalist) newspaper,
covered the Ku Klux Klan counter rally against Chicago's annual Gay Pride
parade by charging: "The idea behind the KKK outburst was--amid heavy media
coverage of a mere two dozen Klan demonstrators--to make citizens think
anyone who wants to take serious measures against AIDS is a cross-burner
and a Nazi. . . .In fact, the Klan does not exist--except as a special
dirty-tricks operation of the FBI and the B'nai B'rith's Anti-Defamation
League. "
The article went on to say the founders of B'nai B'rith were "about
as Jewish as Josef Goebbels."When Illinois Congressman Sidney Yates faced
LaRouche-backed challenger Sheila Jones, LaRouche supporters distributed
leaflets titled "So, What's A Nice Jewish Boy Doing Supporting Sodomy?"
Former Chicago mayor Jane Byrne was targeted in one mayoral race with
a LaRouche candidate's campaign slogan of "Byrne the Witch."
In attacking political enemies, LaRouche propaganda often utilizes racist,
anti-Jewish, sexist or homophobic stereotypes.
Defining the Terms
The LaRouche cult fits the description of a totalitarian movement as
outlined by Hanna Arendt in The Origins of Totalitarianism. Totalitarianism
is correctly defined by its all-encompassing style, structure and methods,
not by its stated or apparent ideological premises or goals. Arendt wrote
that not all fascist groups were necessarily totalitarian and not all totalitarian
groups were necessarily fascist.
Is LaRouche a fascist? The goal of fascism is always raw power, and
it will adopt or abandon any principle to obtain power. The chameleon-like
nature of fascist theories is one of its hallmarks, and often leads to
confusion as to whether it is on the political left or right as it opportunistically
gobbles up popular slogans from existing movements.
Journalist James Ridgeway notes there are real contradictions in LaRouche's
politics: "While it maintains contacts with far-right groups, LaRouche's
organization is ideologically at cross-purposes with many which are nativist
and anarchist. LaRouche is an internationalist and a totalitarian: he believes
the masses are `bestial' and unfit for citizenship."
Freelance journalist Nick Gallo takes us a step further. In The
Seattle Weekly he acknowledges that much of what LaRouche espouses "appears
kooky, if only because his ideas certainly defy conventional political
analysis. . . .However go beyond the individual positions on different
issues and beneath the surface lurk echoes of sinister themes that have
been prevalent in the 20th century: preservation of Western Civilization,
purity of culture and youth, elimination of Jewish and homosexual influence,
suspicion of international banking conspiracies."
The opportunistic exploitation of anxiety-producing issues by LaRouchies
is no surprise to Clara Fraser who knew LaRouche when he was in the Socialist
Workers Party. Writing in the Freedom Socialist newspaper, she explains,
"The pundits are intrigued and puzzled by his amalgam of right and left
politics, a tangled web of KKK, Freudian, encounter therapy, Populist,
Ayn Rand-like, and Marxist notions. They needn't be. His is the prototypical
face of fascism, which is classically a hodgepodge of pseudo-theories crafted
for mass appeal. . . ."
Themes generally associated with fascism frequently recur in LaRouche's
writings. In the aggregate, LaRouche seems to like the idea of society
with an authoritarian governing body, exercising social, political, economic,
and cultural control, using force when necessary to maintain order and
attain desired goals. Traditional democracy is contemptuously dismissed
by LaRouche, who describes himself as a "traditional Democrat," as the
"rule of irrationalist episodic majorities."
When LaRouche touts his followers as "neo-Platonic" theorists, most
people aren't aware that in The Republic, Plato outlined his view
of a political system in which only a handful of enlightened "Golden Souls"
would be allowed to participate in societal decision-making. While this
was certainly a step forward from imperial dictatorship and rule by fiat,
it is hardly a step forward for a participatory democracy. LaRouche, incidentally,
has said his followers are "Golden Souls."
Combining fascism and totalitarianism makes for a potent mixture, but
even a totalitarian fascist is not necessarily a Nazi--for that you must
include a "Master Race" theory and roots in an ostensibly socialist agenda
for empowering the working class. . movement and German Nazi movement.
In German the word itself--NAZI--was an acronym for the National German
Workers Socialist Party. Most socialists now are painfully aware of that
error. LaRouche apparently repeated the error.
But can an organization which has Jews and Blacks as members be called
Nazi? The LaRouche network's printed materials are full of ethnocentric,
racist, and anti-Jewish rhetoric, but that doesn't necessarily make it
Nazi. Where is LaRouche's theory of a master race? In fact, LaRouche himself
has repeatedly enunciated just such a theory, but in his typically convoluted
way. In the mind of Lyndon LaRouche, personal or political opponents are
not even human, Jerry Brown and Tom Hayden are "creatures;" the rest of
us are merely "beasts" or "sheep."
According to Dennis King, it is LaRouche's belief that his enemies are
subhuman and his followers superhuman which makes "LaRouche more than a
political fascist, but a neo-Nazi." King, whose book on LaRouche is slated
for publication in 1989, adds that "people afraid of that characterization
should sit down and read his ideological writings. LaRouche talks about
the existence of two parasitic species descended from Babylonian culture,
the British-Jewish and Russian-Orthodox species, then there are the subhuman
masses, then humanity represented by LaRouche and his followers, the Golden
Souls, and then a new superhuman race which will evolve from the Golden
Souls. It really is pure Nazism," says King.
And if that makes no rational sense; and if some of his followers are
Jews and Blacks? "So what?" retorts King "LaRouche is a totalitarian, he
can define anyone he wants to as being a member of the human race, and
anyone he wants to as being a member of an inferior race, and he can change
the definitions from week to week--who is going to argue with him?"
End of Part Two
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