Neoconservatives— The egalitarian social liberation movements of the
1960s and 1970s undermined the national consensus. Intellectual oligarchies
and political institutions preserve democracy from mob rule.
Policy--Attention, Right Face, Forward March, by Tom Barry
and Jim Lobe. Looks at the role of neoconservative intellectuals
and groups such as the Project for a New American Century in promoting
the new militarism.
Khurram Husain, 2003, "Neocons: The Men Behind The Curtain," Bulletin
of the Atomic Scientists, November/December, Vol. 59, No. 6, pp. 62–71; http://www.thebulletin.org/issues/2003/nd03/nd03husain.html
Some Thoughts on Neoconservatism by Chuck
Sectors of the Right See where the neocons fit.
Right-Wing Populism in America: Too Close for Comfort
by Chip Berlet and Matthew N. Lyons
New York: Guilford Press (2000)
After the 1988 election the New Right coalition began to break apart.
When the Berlin Wall fell in 1989, the glue of anticommunism was no longer
strong enough to bind together the voting blocs, organizations, and movements
that constituted the New Right.
A particularly sharp fight developed between neoconservatives and self-styled “paleoconservatives.” Neoconservatives,
including many Jewish and Catholic intellectuals rooted in Cold War liberalism,
clustered around publications such as Public Interest and Commentary
and organizations such as the Committee on the Present Danger. They emphasized
foreign policy, where they advocated aggressive anticommunism, U.S. global
dominance, and international alliances. Although they attacked feminism,
gay rights, and multiculturalism, “neocons” often placed less emphasis
on social policy issues, and many of them opposed school prayer or a
ban on abortion. In addition, many neocons supported limited social welfare
programs and nonrestrictive immigration policies.
Paleoconservatives embraced traditionalist Christian morality, Eurocentric
monoculturalism, isolationist nationalism, and a complete end to social
programs. The Rockford Institute, the Ludwig von Mises Institute, and
the Independent Institute were major paleoconservative havens.
Paleocons resented the influence of neocons such as Jean Kirkpatrick,
Elliott Abrams, and William Bennett within the Reagan and Bush administrations,
and they decried a neocon “takeover” of Old Right institutions such as
the American Enterprise Institute and the Hoover Institution, as well
as influential foundations such as Bradley, Olin, Scaife, and Smith Richardson. Neoconservatives
charged, rightly, that the paleocons were tainted with antisemitism and
The neocon–paleocon feud had smoldered since the mid-1980s, but it intensified
in 1990 when President Bush massed troops in Saudi Arabia to fight a
war with Iraq. Paleocons, as isolationists, generally opposed the action
and warned of pro-Israeli “dual-loyalists” exerting too much influence
over U.S. foreign policy. Neoconservatives, who were overwhelmingly interventionist
and strongly pro-Zionist, supported the war and denounced many of their
former partners in Cold War anticommunism as bigots and antisemites.
Paleocon Patrick J. Buchanan further highlighted the divisions within
the former New Right coalition with his campaigns for the Republican
presidential nomination in 1992 and 1996, and his third party aspirations
The Free Congress Foundation and the Heritage Foundation, New Right
coalition builders, held a sort of middle position in the conflict between
neocons and paleocons. Despite their cultural and ideological affinities
with the paleocons, these organizations refused to abandon right-wing
internationalism or pro-Zionism and leaned overall more to the neocon
side of the dispute.
[Update: by 2002 the Free Congress Foundation had shifted more into
the paleocon camp]