The Christian Right, Dominionism, and Theocracy
by Chip Berlet
In a September 1994 plenary speech to the Christian Coalition national convention,
Rev. D. James Kennedy said that "true Christian citizenship" involves
an active engagement in society to "take dominion over all things as
vice-regents of God." Kennedy's remarks were reported in February 1995
by sociologist and journalist Sara Diamond, who wrote that Kennedy had "echoed
the Reconstructionist line."
More than anyone else, it was Sara Diamond who popularized the use of the
term "dominionism" to describe a growing political tendency in
the Christian Right. It is a useful term that has, unfortunately, been used
in a variety of ways that are neither accurate nor useful. Diamond was careful
to discuss how the small Christian Reconstructionist theological movement
had helped introduce "dominionism" as a concept into the larger
and more diverse social/political movements called the Christian Right.
Dominionism is therefore a tendency among Protestant Christian evangelicals
and fundamentalists that encourages them to not only be active political
participants in civic society, but also seek to dominate the political process
as part of a mandate from God.
This highly politicized concept of dominionism is based on the Bible's text
in Genesis 1:26:
• "And God said, Let us make man in our image, after our likeness:
and let them have dominion over the fish of the sea, and over the fowl of
the air, and over the cattle, and over all the earth, and over every creeping
thing that creepeth upon the earth." (King James Version).
• "Then God said, 'Let us make man in our image, in our likeness
and let them rule over the fish of the sea and the birds of the air, over
the livestock, over all the earth and over all the creatures that move along
the ground.'" (New International Version).
The vast majority of Christians read this text and conclude that God has
appointed them stewards and caretakers of Earth. As Sara Diamond explains,
however, some Christian read the text and believe, "that Christians
alone are Biblically mandated to occupy all secular institutions until Christ
returns--and there is no consensus on when that might be." That, in
a nutshell, is the idea of "dominionism."
Just because some critics of the Christian Right have stretched the term
dominionism past its breaking point does not mean we should abandon the term.
And while it is true that few participants in the Christian Right Culture
War want a theocracy as proposed by the Christian Reconstructionists, many
of their battlefield Earth commanders are leading them in that direction.
And a number of these leaders have been influenced by Christian Reconstructionism,
which is a variant of theocracy called theonomy.
William Martin is the author of the 1996 tome With God on Our Side, a companion
volume to the PBS series. Martin is a sociologist and professor of religion
at Rice University, and he has been critical of the way some critics of the
Christian Right have tossed around the terms "dominionism" and "theocracy." Martin
has offered some careful writing on the subject. According to Martin:
"It is difficult to assess
the influence of Reconstructionist thought with any accuracy. Because
it is so genuinely radical, most leaders of
the Religious Right are careful to distance themselves from it. At the
same time,
it clearly holds some appeal for many of them. One undoubtedly spoke
for others when he confessed, 'Though we hide their books under the bed,
we read
them just the same.' "
According to Martin, "several key leaders have acknowledged an intellectual
debt to the theonomists. Jerry Falwell and D. James Kennedy have endorsed
Reconstructionist books."
Before he died in 2001, the founder of Christian Reconstuctionism, R. J.
Rushdoony, appeared several times on Christian Right televangelist programs
such as Pat Robertson's 700 Club and the program hosted by D. James Kennedy,
writes Martin.
"Pat Robertson makes frequent use of 'dominion' language" says
Martin, "his book, The Secret Kingdom, has often been cited for
its theonomy elements; and pluralists were made uncomfortable when, during
his
presidential campaign, he said he 'would only bring Christians and Jews
into the government,' as well as when he later wrote, 'There will never
be world
peace until God's house and God's people are given their rightful place
of leadership at the top of the world.' "
Martin also points out that "Jay Grimstead, who leads the Coalition
on Revival, which brings Reconstructionists together with more mainstream
evangelicals, has said, 'I don't call myself [a Reconstructionist],' but
'A lot of us are coming to realize that the Bible is God's standard of morality
. . . in all points of history . . . and for all societies, Christian and
non-Christian alike. . . . It so happens that Rushdoony, Bahnsen, and North
understood that sooner.' He added, 'There are a lot of us floating around
in Christian leadership James Kennedy is one of them-who don't go all the
way with the theonomy thing, but who want to rebuild America based on the
Bible.'"
So let's choose our language carefully, but let's recognize that terms such
as "dominionism" and "theocracy," when used cautiously
and carefully, are appropriate when describing anti-democratic tendencies
in the Christian Right.
“Dominionism” as a Term or Description
The term "dominionism" is used different ways by different people.
When new terms are developed, that is to be expected. If we are to use words
and phrases to discuss ideas, however, it pays to be on the same page concerning
how we define those terms. This is especially true in public debates.
In her 1989 book Spiritual Warfare, sociologist Sara Diamond discussed how
dominionism as an ideological tendency in the Christian Right had been significantly
influenced by Christian Reconstructionism. Over the past 20 years the leading
proponents of Christian Reconstructionism and dominion theology have included
Rousas John (R.J.) Rushdoony, Gary North, Greg Bahnsen, David Chilton, Gary
DeMar, and Andrew Sandlin.
Diamond explained that "the primary importance of the [Christian Reconstructionist]
ideology is its role as a catalyst for what is loosely called 'dominion theology.'" According
to Diamond, "Largely through the impact of Rushdoony's and North's writings,
the concept that Christians are Biblically mandated to 'occupy' all secular
institutions has become the central unifying ideology for the Christian Right." (italics
in the original).
In a series of articles and book chapters Diamond expanded on her thesis.
She called Reconstructionism "the most intellectually grounded, though
esoteric, brand of dominion theology," and observed that "promoters
of Reconstructionism see their role as ideological entrepreneurs committed
to a long-term struggle."
So Christian Reconstructionism was the most influential form of dominion
theology, and it influenced both the theological concepts and political activism
of white Protestant conservative evangelicals mobilized by the Christian
Right.
But very few evangelicals have even heard of dominion theology, and
fewer still embrace Christian Reconstructionism. How do we explain this,
especially
since our critics are quick to point it out?
The answer lies in teasing apart the terminology and how it is used.
Christian Reconstructionism is a form of theocratic dominion theology. Its
leaders challenged evangelicals across a wide swath of theological beliefs
to engage in a more muscular and activist form of political participation.
The core theme of dominion theology is that the Bible mandates Christians
to take over and "occupy" secular institutions.
A number of Christian Right leaders read what the Christian Reconstructionists
were writing, and they adopted the idea of taking dominion over the secular
institutions of the United States as the "central unifying ideology" of
their social movement. They decided to gain political power through the Republican
Party.
This does not mean most Christian Right leaders became Christian Reconstructionists.
It does mean they were influenced by dominion theology. But they were influenced
in a number of different ways, and some promote the theocratic aspects more
militantly than others.
It helps to see the terms dominionism, dominion theology, and Christian
Reconstructionism as distinct and not interchangeable. While all Christian
Reconstructionists are dominionists, not all dominionists are Christian Reconstructionists.
A nested subset chart looks like this:
- Triumphalism
- Dominionism
- Dominion
Theology
- Theonomy
- Christian Reconstructionism
The specific meanings are different in important ways, although the terms have been used in a variety of conflicting ways in popular articles, especially on the Internet.
In its generic sense, dominionism is a very broad political tendency within
the Christian Right. It ranges from soft to hard versions in terms of its
theocratic impulse.
Soft Dominionists are Christian nationalists. They believe that Biblically-defined
immorality and sin breed chaos and anarchy. They fear that America's greatness
as God's chosen land has been undermined by liberal secular humanists, feminists,
and homosexuals. Purists want litmus tests for issues of abortion, tolerance
of gays and lesbians, and prayer in schools. Their vision has elements of
theocracy, but they stop short of calling for supplanting the Constitution
and Bill of Rights.
Hard Dominionists believe all of this, but they want the United States to
be a Christian theocracy. For them the Constitution and Bill of Rights are
merely addendums to Old Testament Biblical law. They claim that Christian
men with specific theological beliefs are ordained by God to run society.
Christians and others who do not accept their theological beliefs would be
second-class citizens. This sector includes Christian Reconstructionists,
but it has a growing number of adherents in the leadership of the Christian
Right.
It makes more sense to reserve the term "dominion theology" to
describe specific theological currents, while using the term "dominionism" in
a generic sense to discuss a tendency toward aggressive political activism
by Christians who claim they are mandated by God to take over society. Even
then, we need to locate the subject of our criticisms on a scale that ranges
from soft to hard versions of dominionism.
Different Sectors
Crafting an appropriate response depends on what sector of the Christian
Right we are criticizing:
Christian Conservatives - They play by the rules of a democratic republic,
and so our response should be to develop better ideas and carry out better
grassroots organizing campaigns.
Christian Nationalists - They erode pluralism, and we must defend separation
of church and state, but also engage in a discussion of the legitimate boundaries
when religious beliefs intersect with participation in a secular civil society.
Christian Theocrats - They want to replace democracy with an authoritarian
theocratic society run by a handful of Christian men. They seek to supersede
the Constitution and Bill of Rights with Old Testament Biblical law. We must
oppose them and not give an inch in our defense of democracy against theocracy.
In the Christian Right, more leaders than followers have consciously embraced
dominionist ideas. The tendency toward a "dominionist impulse," however,
has continued to become more widespread since the 1970s, making a discussion
of theocracy not only legitimate, but necessary. Conscious or unconscious--dominionism
is a real threat to democracy.
Generic Dominionism and Specific Dominion Theologies
Author Bruce Barron warned of a growing "dominionist impulse" among
evangelicals in his 1992 book Heaven on Earth? The Social & Political
Agendas of Dominion Theology. Barron, with a Ph.D. in American religious
history, is also an advocate of Christian political participation, and has
worked with conservative Christian evangelicals and elected officials. Barron
is smart, courteous, and not someone you would debate without doing a whole
boatload of homework. Disrespect him at your own risk.
I have discussed the Christian Right with Sara Diamond, William Martin,
and Bruce Barron. The first three essays in this series are based on their
work, reflecting a broad range of political and spiritual viewpoints. Along
with my colleague Frederick Clarkson, it is authors Diamond, Barron, and
Martin who built a firm foundation for the use of the terms dominionism and
dominion theology.
Barron is worried by the aggressive, intolerant, and confrontational aspects
of dominion theology; and is especially concerned that these ideas have seeped
into the broader Christian evangelical community. Dominion theology is not
a version of Christianity with which Barron is comfortable.
In his book, Barron looks at two theological currents: Christian Reconstructionism
and Kingdom Now, and explains that "Many observers have grouped them
together under the more encompassing rubric of 'dominion theology.'" Christian
Reconstructionism evolved out of the writings of R.J. Rushdoony; while Kingdom
Now theology emerged from the ministry of Earl Paulk.
"While differing from Reconstructionism in many ways, Kingdom Now shares
the belief that Christians have a mandate to take dominion over every area
of life," explains Barron. And it is just this tendency that has spread
through evangelical Protestantism, resulting in the emergence of "various
brands of 'dominionist' thinkers in contemporary American evangelicalism," according
to Barron.
The distinction is crucial. Dominion theology (Christian Reconstructionism,
Kingdom Now, and a handful of smaller theologies), has generated a variety
of versions or "brands" of "dominionism" adopted by a
number of leaders in the Christian Right who would not describe themselves
as "dominionist;" and most certainly would reject the theological
tenets promulgated by a "dominion theology" such as Christian Reconstructionism.
Beginning in the 1960s, and gathering force in the 1970s, the "dominionist
impulse" rode along a wave of discontent among evangelicals and fundamentalists.
They were upset with secular society, especially federal court decisions
and government legislation and regulations they felt intruded too far into
the personal--and religious--life. Their concern over social, cultural, and
political issues involving pornography, school prayer, abortion, and homosexuality
prompted participation in national elections since the 1970s.
This social movement of conservative Christian evangelicals was mobilized
by the Christian Right, who joined with ultraconservative political operatives
to take over the Republican Party. In this coalition, there are a wide variety
of theological tendencies and disputes that are temporarily set aside in
favor of organizing to achieve a specific political agenda. This coalition
also sets aside disputes over how the End Times of biblical prophecy play
out. This means that the primarily "postmillennialist" Christian
Reconstructionists work on projects with the primarily "premillennialist" evangelical
constituency of the Christian Right.
Open advocates of dominionism declare that "America is a Christian
Nation," and that therefore Christians have a God-given mandate to re-assert
Christian control over political, social, and cultural institutions. Yet
many dominionists stop short of staking out a position that could be called
theocratic. This is the "soft" version of dominionism.
The "hard" version of dominionism is explicitly theocratic or "theonomic," as
the Christian Reconstructionists prefer to be called. For America, it is
a distinction without a difference. According to Barron, "Unlike the
Christian Right, Reconstructionism is not simply or primarily a political
movement; it is first and foremost an educational movement fearlessly proclaiming
an ideology of total world transformation." Barron also "observed
a discomforting triumphalism within dominion theology, especially its takeover
rhetoric." In this usage, "triumphalism" simply means when
it comes to religions belief, it's my way or the highway. One God, one religion,
one folk, one nation--a Christian Nation--love it or leave it.
Barron notes that Christian Reconstructionism has "intellectual substance,
internal coherence, and heavy dependence on Scripture," and this has
helped "Reconstructionist philosophy win a hearing in many sectors of
the Christian Right." For example, Barron found the "idea of Christian
dominion, though with less emphasis on biblical law, has been echoed within
the Charismatic movement, that segment of American Christianity identified
by its free-spirited, demonstrative worship and its practice of spiritual
gifts such as tongue speaking and prophecy."
One well-known Charismatic preacher is Pat Robertson, who reaches millions
of viewers weekly through his "700 Club" television program. "Robertson's
explicit emphasis on the need to restore Christians to leadership roles in
American society mirrors what" Barron called, "a dominionist impulse
in contemporary evangelicalism."
Who is a dominionist?
Barron argued that "in the context of American evangelical efforts
to penetrate and transform public life, the distinguishing mark of a dominionist
is a commitment to defining and carrying out an approach to building society
that is self-consciously defined as exclusively Christian, and dependent
specifically on the work of Christians, rather than based on a broader consensus."
Around World War II it was the sentiment of many evangelical Protestants
in the United States that they needed to find a way to co-exist with an increasingly
pluralistic society, and thus they began to self-identify as "evangelicals" to
distinguish themselves from the more doctrinaire and intolerant wing of "fundamentalism."
Barron believes that the "all-encompassing agenda" of the dominionists "puts
them at odds with those more moderate evangelicals who work for social change
yet still affirm the pluralistic nature of a society in which all ideas--be
they Christian or anti-Christian, derived from or opposed to biblical law--have
an equal right to be heard and to compete for public acceptance."
So evangelicals can work for conservative social change without being "dominionist," and
some can be our allies in building broad opposition to dominionism as an
impulse in the Christian Right. This is aided in part by an intractable contradiction
among practitioners of hard forms of dominion theology.
As Sara Diamond explains, ultimately, "Dominionist thinking precludes
coalitions between believers and unbelievers...." This creates an irresolvable
contradictory tension. "The Christian Right wants to take dominion," notes
Diamond, but it also wants to work within "the existing political-economic
system, at the same time." The broader the Christian Right stretches
as an electoral coalition, the more obvious it becomes that some of its key
leaders want a theocracy rather than a democracy. Hard-line dominionists
want to overthrow the existing political-economic system and replace it with
a theocracy. That's a real hard sell to most of our neighbors.
In the United States today, there is a struggle between democracy and theocracy--as
Fred Clarkson so aptly puts it in the title of his book. This is obvious
to many of us, perhaps, but it is largely being ignored by the mainstream
media and most Christian evangelicals. This is a wedge issue that can only
be effective if we learn how to distinguish among the many different theological,
political, organizational, and other aspects of Christian belief and political
participation. Using terms such as "dominionism" and "theocracy" in
a cautious and careful way allows us to broaden the conversation, and broaden
the coalition that seeks to defend the dream of democracy against the nightmare
of theocracy.
The Christian Right
Putting the Christian Right in its proper place in the political spectrum
as a component of the broader U.S. Political Right is an important step in
developing an effective response. This also allows us to evaluate the threat
posed by domininionist and theocratic tendencies in the Christian Right.
Some people see this better when presented in outline of chart form, so this
entry in the series is constructed along those lines.
The Christian Right is a series of social movements with participants that
have been mobilized into political participation through the Republican Party
as part of a larger set of coalitions that include social conservatives,
moral traditionalists, neoconservatives, militarists, etc. The Republican
Party and the Christian Right, however, represent just a portion of the entire
spectrum of the U.S. Political Right, so we provide a full chart of these
sectors below.
The Christian Right plays multiple roles in the political
system: as a social movement made up of people with shared grievances;
a political movement with
a specific set of electoral and legislation goals on the federal and state
level; and a coalition partner in conservative politics.
Christian Right: Multiple Roles in Political System:
- Social Movement
- Political Movement
- Coalition Partner
The Christian Right itself is made up of different sectors that exist in
a coalition that may seem monolithic, but which actually has fracture points
where wedge issues can be developed as part of an effective counter-strategy.
Christian Right: Multiple Internal Sectors:
- Christian Conservatives
- Christian Nationalists
- Christian Theocrats
Within the Christian Right, it is primarily the Christian Nationalists and
Christian Theocrats who pursue a type of dominionism that has theocratic
aspects. The degree of dominionist authoritarianism varies by sector. Christian
Reconstructionism is the major theopolitical ideology behind Hard Dominionism,
but it is a subset of it. So there are nested subsets.
All Hard Dominionist Christian Theocrats are also Soft Dominionist Christian
Nationalists, but not all Soft Dominionist Christian Nationalists are Hard
Dominionist Christian Theocrats.
All Christian Reconstructionists are Hard Dominionist Christian Theocrats
and Christian Nationalists, but not all Hard Dominionist Christian Theocrats
are Christian Reconstructionists.
Whew!
Degree of dominionist authoritarianism:
- Soft Dominionist - Christian Nationalists
- Hard Dominionist - Christian Theocrats
- Christian Reconstructionist
Dominionists of all varieties can also have a complicated mix of attributes.
These include the theology and style of religious practice; and the view
of biblical End Times prophecy.
Theology and style of religious practice:
- Protestant
- Mainstream Protestant denominations (Methodist, Episcopal, Lutheran)
- Evangelicals
- Fundamentalists
- Charismatics
- Pentacostals
- Catholic
View of biblical End Times prophecy:
- Postmillennialists
- Premillennialists
- Amillennialists
The Christian Right is just one of several sectors that comprise the Political
Right in the United States. The chart below shows where it fits, dividing
the Christian Right into hard and soft dominionists. Christian Conservatives
are the bridge between the Secular Right and the Dominionists and Theocrats,
but it is a weak bridge. Christian Conservatives are listed in the Chart
below as part of the Religious Right.
See: Chart of Sectors of the U.S. Political Right
This all may seem overwhelming at first, but in a nation where many people
have elaborate systems for tracking sports scores or soap opera plots, it
is a reasonable expectation that people who want to successfully challenge
dominionists and theocrats can walk up the learning curve and appreciate
the view from the top.
Biblical Prophecy and the End Times
The day after Christmas, Tim LaHaye's "Left Behind Prophecy Club" sent
out its daily e-mail message with a 2005 "Year in Review" summary
The teaser stated: "Are we living in the End Times? Could events of
today signify that the Rapture and Tribulation could occur during our generation?
Five important Signs from 2005 say yes!"
- Devastating natural disasters foreshadow the coming of Christ.
- The Jewish population converges in Israel to rebuild their temple in
Jerusalem.
- A union between Europe and Iraq could set the stage for the emergence
of the Antichrist.
- Islamic extremists lash out with London bombings and France riots.
- Putin consolidates power in Russia, as the empire rebuilds.
In the text that follows, we learn that "events in Russia are exactly
what we should expect to see if we are nearing the end times....the rule
of the Antichrist may not be too far behind...[the] Bible prophesies that
the city of Babylon will be rebuilt as headquarters for the antichrist. Babylon
lies on the Euphrates River, just 50 miles south of Baghdad."
We also are told that "...continued tensions may make Israel ripe for
a covenant with the Antichrist," and that the "ancient Sanhedrin,
the official legal tribunal in Israel...issued an official call to rebuild
the temple [of Solomon in Jerusalem], an act that God's Word predicts must
occur before the return of the Messiah."
Meanwhile, natural disasters may be "a foreshadowing of the overwhelming
chaos that is to transpire during the tribulation, prompting many to repent
before it's too late."
That last piece of advice is what the Left Behind series is all about. It
is future narrative devoted to encouraging current salvation through a particular
premillennial reading of the Bible. It's not enough to be a Christian, you
must embrace a narrow and specific version of Christianity. Otherwise, you
are not just going to Hell, but you will be persecuted and maybe tortured
and murdered as well.
That's the basic theme of the Left Behind series of novels by Tim LaHaye
and Jerry B. Jenkins. The 13 volumes have sold some 70 million copies, regularly
hitting best seller lists. As pop theology, the messages of the series and
the Left Behind Prophecy Club are troubling, but as popular political ideology,
they are dangerous.
As part of its sales pitch for a subscription service, we are told that "The
Left Behind Prophecy Club has the news you need to know" about:
- Islamic Terrorism
- Middle East Peace Process
- The War in Iraq
- Europe's Power Struggle
- Natural Disasters
The way these current events are woven into a discussion of Biblical prophecy
creates frames of reference that help move people toward specific political
viewpoints, not just concerning U.S. policies in the Middle East, but also
about domestic issues.
Central to this process is a particular way of reading the Bible's book
of Revelation that establishes a timetable and sequence of events for the
End Times and the Tribulations that are related to the Second Coming of Jesus
Christ.
According to polling by Barna research, "nearly nine out of ten evangelicals
who believe in the end times (88%) maintain that is it very likely that Jesus
will return during the last days, and 77% of born agains who believe in the
end times indicated the same."
Tim LaHaye has spent decades melding his conspiracy theory of history into
the End Times beliefs of evangelicals. In his 1980 non-fiction book The Battle
for the Mind, LaHaye added a conspiracist theme to the critique of secular
humanism put forward by popular theologian Francis A. Schaeffer, a conservative
Christian evangelical. LaHaye dedicated the book to Schaeffer.
In a chapter
entitled "Is a Humanist Tribulation Necessary?" LaHaye
writes that the "seven-year tribulation period will be a time that features
the rule of the anti-Christ over the world." LaHaye explains that this "tribulation
is predestined and will surely come to pass." LaHaye, however, describes
another period of tribulations that he calls the "pre-tribulation tribulation."
LaHaye, explains that the "pre-tribulation tribulation is:
"...the tribulation that
will engulf this country if liberal secular humanists are permitted to
take control of our government--it is neither
predestined nor necessary. But it will deluge the entire land in the
next few years, unless Christians are willing to become much more assertive
in
defense of morality and decency than they have been during the past three
decades."
According to LaHaye, adultery, pornography, and homosexuality "are
rampant" and this is evidence of the warning by Schaeffer's "that
humanism always leads to chaos." In the Left Behind series, LaHaye and
Jenkins write about the spread of humanist moral relativism in the forms
of the feminist movement, abortion, and homosexuality. The Left Behind series
takes the conspiracist themes of LaHaye's non-fiction books and spreads them
through a huge audience.
The apocalyptic frames and conspiracist narratives in the Left Behind series
are a form of "fiction explicitly intended to teach," according
to author Gershom Gorenberg, who warns:
"Inspiration is part of
the appeal. Subliminally, so is the all-encompassing paradigm the books
offer for
understanding the world. Here's how the global
economy (which may have cost me my job or halved my retirement savings)
works. Here's what lies behind debate over abortion or foreign policy.
Some people
serve God, and some serve falsehood. Here's why a believing Christian
can feel left out: Today's society is controlled by evil. And here's why
cataclysmic
war between the forces of good and the axis of evil is inevitable."
The LaHaye conspiracy theory about secular humanism provides a powerful
theological justification for Christians to establish "dominion" over
sinful secular society.
Bibliography
Ammerman, Nancy T. 1991. “North American Protestant Fundamentalism.” In
Fundamentalisms Observed, The Fundamentalism Project 1, eds., Martin E. Marty
and R. Scott Appleby. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1991).
Armstrong, Karen. [2000] 2001. The Battle for God. New York: Ballantine
Books.
Barron, Bruce. 1992. Heaven on Earth? The Social & Political Agendas
of Dominion Theology. Grand Rapids, MI: Zondervan.
Boyer, Paul S. 1992. When Time Shall Be No More: Prophecy Belief in
Modern American Culture. Cambridge, Mass.: Belknap/Harvard University Press.
Diamond, Sara. 1989. Spiritual Warfare: The Politics of the Christian
Right. Boston: South End Press.
Diamond, Sara. 1995. Roads to Dominion: Right-Wing Movements and
Political Power in the United States. New York: Guilford Press.
Diamond, Sara. 1996. Facing the Wrath: Confronting the Right in
Dangerous Times. Monroe, Maine: Common Courage Press.
Diamond, Sara. 1998. Not by Politics Alone: The Enduring Influence
of the Christian Right. New York: Guilford Press.
Diamond, Sara.“Dominion Theology,” Z Magazine, February 1995,
online archive.
Fuller, Robert C. 1995. Naming the Antichrist: The History
of an American Obsession. New York: Oxford University Press.
Martin, William. 1996. With God on Our Side: The Rise of
the Religious Right in America. New York: Broadway Books.
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